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A similar linguistic association is found in the Hebrew word Chayav. These terms illustrate the deep-seated cultural anxiety attached to debt and the powerful feelings of shame it can provoke. He stressed that debt was bound up with the moralization of concepts of duty, honor, self-esteem, and standing.

Indeed, credit and debt did pre-date money. They took the form of favors among friends and neighbors, which created personal moral obligations. Later, the creation of money provided a unit of account for keeping track of debts.

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More importantly, it led to a de-personalization of creditor-debtor relations, making commercial society possible. This evolution was bound up with the innovation of posting and exacting collateral. In this way, debt. This site uses cookies to improve your user experience. Click here to learn more. In-depth analysis delivered weekly - Subscribe to our newsletter, featuring our editors' top picks from the past week.

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Morals and Markets: the Dangerous Balance, by Daniel Friedman ’68 | Reed Magazine

As will be argued here, in a properly understood sense, market limitation is a logical necessity. It is akin to the problem of political liberty which James Madison identified in Federalist No. To protect the market system against these destructive abuses, a commitment to permanent values is required by market participants, both consumers and producers, and in the form ideally by what German economist Wilhelm Roepke called a "terror regime of decency" as well as by a public policy rooted in that decency. To do this, I want to consider the market with some of its blemishes and issues relating to the role of moral values.

There are three inter—related aspects to emphasize: 1 the failures of pure self-interest; 2 the nature of the relationship between market activity and morality; and 3 the question of the end-state vs. A market economy is based on the assumption that the collective result of individuals pursuing their own self-interest is good.

Adam Smith is famous for his dictum that we do not expect our meat from the benevolence of the butcher but from a regard for his own interest. Precisely so.

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Yet, the fact remains that this assumption is not always valid. Many of the present policy problems are the direct outgrowth of a dogmatic version of this truth maintained even in the face of counter-examples which Adam Smith would have been the first to recognize.

Consider three cases.

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In a depression as each employer tries to survive in the face of a diminishing demand, consulting only his self-interest, he lays off employees. But if all or a large number of employers do that, total demand declines even more and so requires more lay-offs. The collective result of the individual decisions is unwanted even though each decision-maker helped bring it about. Similarly, in the familiar case of a "run on the bank" of by-gone days, one or a few withdrawals was not a problem, but if all or many suddenly withdrew their deposits the results were disastrous for the bank, a result no one wanted but which each one helped bring about.

In the current jargon, they try to socialize costs while, of course, still privatizing benefits. This means passing the costs off onto the environment, the general public or the taxpayer. Thus, a higher product price may be the more efficient one. However, as each entrepreneur evades costs as he pursues only his own self-interest, the cost "efficiency" of his firm may go up, but as other firms in the industry follow suit, the efficiency of the market goes down.

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To conclude this first point, if we are told that we are to maximize our self-interest in each specific transaction and that we are not to lookout for the other guy or the common good and other intangibles, then it is not surprising to see not only how the failures described above came about, but also how they, or many like them, are maintained.

And if we further tell people, as one George Mason University economist did to college students not long ago, that greed, in the sense of getting more things for oneself, is the noblest human motivation, then we cannot but believe these failures will grow worse in both frequency and intensity. And the success of this propaganda may be the biggest market failure of them all.

If pure self-interest is not always beneficial or rational collectively, we must rely on something more. Fortunately, not all economists are so dogmatic that they are unable to see the issue correctly. The late Fred Hirsch showed how the market economy succeeded being based on a pre-capitalist morality, which by its increasing orientation to self-interest i. More fully he writes:. This legacy has diminished with time and with the corrosive contact of the active capitalist values — and more generally with the greater anonymity and greater mobility of industrial society.

The system has thereby lost outside support that was previously taken for granted by the individual.

Moral hazard

As individual behavior has been increasingly directed to individual advantage, habits and instincts based on communal attitudes and objectives have lost out. While there are undoubtedly many reasons for this, I will touch on only three. First, in so far as our national policy has been and is a commitment to endless or indefinite increases in per capita consumption, it has been a policy affirming and promoting discontent.

And though in times past there was good reason to be discontent with the economy, the danger lies in cultivating it as a habit of mind that is difficult, if not impossible, to limit just to economics. Instead, it spills over into the social and moral spheres. Secondly, correlated with increasing levels of consumption discontent is the problem of technological change.

If change is too rapid and inappropriate, and in some cases, flatly immoral, it renders not only skills obsolete, which is itself demoralizing, but also entire ways of life, including the continuity we need by remembering our past, by tradition, by the wisdom and experience of parents and grandparents. Thus, individuals are left bobbing on an ocean of change without solid connections to an enduring community. Thirdly, the increasing commercialization of the arts, sciences, sex, indeed every private and higher aspect of life, especially embodied in advertising, appeals to, and thereby promotes and affirms our vanity, lust, ambition, and greed.

It can hardly be maintained that in such a deracinating atmosphere our characters are left unaffected. One result of this loss in turn is bitterness, and bitterness is always self-destructive.

Strikingly similar to Hirsch, Wilhelm Roepke pointed out "historical liberalism," and with it especially nineteenth century capitalism, failed to see that competition was not a harmless activity either morally or psychologically but was something, he argued, that had to be kept in bounds if one wanted to avoid poisoning the rest of society. Years later he emphasized the same point again:.

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It can therefore, have no permanence unless the confidence which any contract presupposes rests on a broad and solid ethical basis in all market parties. In figurative terms, the same explosive force of self-interest that powers the economic engine, also breaks it down, requiring interventions of adjustments and tune-ups. To be humane as well as economically effective, self-interest must be channeled and limited by the adherence of market participants to meta-economic values and that means, among other things, that we must have an idea of the end-state, the good society which is not to be confused with utopias, either of the libertarian or Marxian variety.

At the root of this problem is the belief among the self-interest-is-enough school of economics, that values and morals are purely subjective and therefore relative either to individual preferences and tastes, or to currently dominant but more or less ephemeral social prejudices and habits.

Norman Barry perhaps defines the proceduralist school most succinctly when he states that "…procedural liberalism precludes the imposition on a people without their consent of any political end-state, including, of course, a liberal one" Peacock and Willgerodt, p.